I saw this comment on Counter Currents on an essay about Jewish Demographics, the article itself was interesting, but one of the comments was more so.
‘With regard to the Breivik reference, there is a new development.
A brief Sky News report tells what little is known at present. It includes a 1-min. video interview with a Norwegian member of parliament who speaks very good English.
The MP seems a little uncertain what to make of the note.
On the one hand he finds it hard to believe that it actually is what it purports to be.
On the other hand, Norwegians, like Americans, have been taught that there really are thousands of dangerous, evil white racists lurking under every bed. So, subconsciously, he cannot help but wonder . . .
Also, governments and NGOs actually are committing genocide, a sin as well as a (literal) crime against humanity prohibited by international law. And they know it. So that is lurking at the back of his mind as well, though he says nothing about it.
Breivik’s ‘Deputy’ Issues Terror Warning
Norwegian police launch a probe into a threatening letter sent by someone purporting to be Anders Breivik’s second in command.
A person claiming to be Norwegian mass-killer Anders Breivik’s second in command has issued a warning of more terror, sparking a police investigation.
An email sent to several politicians and newspapers in the country demands Breivik’s release and reportedly threatens to destroy the higher echelons of Norwegian society.
The letter’s author purports to be deputy commander of the Knights Templar – of which Breivik previously said he was leader, but which experts told his trial probably did not exist.
It says: “I hereby present myself as cell two and deputy commander of the Norwegian resistance movement.
“I, with my soldiers, give all due respect to our people, our culture and our ethnicity (and) warn all advocates of multiculturalism against this war we are now so deeply in.’
Now, I was always a bit suspicious of the terror attacks that took place last year in Norway, I assumed it was Muslims first, then when it became clear it was a Norwegian, I was puzzled. how could one man carry out such a complicated plan with no assistance?
After reading his manifesto, it seemed Brevik was claiming to be involved in a wider conspiracy, but the authorities denied that anyone else had been involved. And then there were the inevitable false flag theories, which seemed to have some merit, but seem to have been disproved by his trial and acceptance that he committed them, I find it hard to believe that someone can be brainwashed or manipulated for that long. Although it did seem suspicious that his Facebook account was changed during his massacre.
Now this new piece of information! It could point to a wider conspiracy within Norway, and it would explain the sophistication of the attacks, and the changing of the Facebook account during the attacks.
Could there actually be a Norwegian Resistance? Is the whole thing some sophisticated false flag operation?
It’s hard to know, but it is interesting that a sleepy marginal country like Norway should be the centre of such a conspiracy, whether false flag or not, and it begs the question, has the resistance begun?
Churchill was a magnificent man, a wonderful writer, a brilliant speaker. Writing at his worst, he was better than most of us other writers writing flat-out at our best. I’ve said it often before and it’s undoubtedly true. He had a habit of finding a cutting phrase, and when I look back on my own last 25 years of crime — my writing life as an author — I sometimes remember the sentence which I quote here in Volume II [of Churchill’s War].
A man’s life is similar to a walk down a long passage with closed windows to each side. As you reach each window an unseen hand opens it; but the light that it lets in only increases by contrast the darkness at the end.
Beautiful piece of Winston Churchill descriptive writing. Yet he was a man who had very, very odd facets. He was a man who was almost a pervert, who liked to expose himself to people. You don’t find this in the average Churchill biography. You’ll find it in mine. Such flashes of mature insight were tempered by patches of behavior that witnesses could only describe as infantile. The same general, wearily watching Winston throw yet another tantrum, remarked sotto voce to Hugh Dalton, minister of Economic Warfare: “One feels that a nurse should come and fetch him away.”
Some of his fetishes must have had their roots in his unsettled infancy. He had a whimsical habit of exposing himself, just like a naughty child, both to his young male secretaries and to his elders and betters. Each one thought that he was being uniquely privileged, but this happened so frequently that it cannot have been fortuitous. No matter how high ranking the personage — with the exception, it seems, of His Majesty — he was likely to find himself received by Britain’s prime minister in a state of total nudity on one pretext or another. Churchill frequently received his ministers or staff officers while sitting in or stepping out of the bath — these blessed folk being referred to afterwards as Mr. Churchill’s “Companions of the Bath.” He resembled, in the words of Brigadier Menzies, chief of the secret service, a “nice pink pig” wrapped in a silk kimono. “Sometimes,” recalled “C” in 1967, “I had to talk to the PM when he was undressed and once, when in the bath, he mentioned he had nothing to hide from me.” (On another occasion Churchill cautioned him to silence and pointed to his Persian cat, Nelson, looking out of a window: “He’s in touch with the pelicans on the lake,” he said, “and they’re communicating our information to the German secret service!”)
Not even foreigners were spared this ordeal. On August 26, 1941 he asked the butler at Chequers to bring Elliott Roosevelt to him. “I knocked on his door,” wrote the president’s son, “and entered. Churchill was dictating to his male secretary with a large cigar in his mouth … he was absolutely starkers, marching up and down the room.” Others were treated with scarcely greater mercy — he would wear his white linen undergarments to receive the Canadian prime minister Mackenzie-King in May 1943: “He really was quite a picture but looked like a boy — cheeks quite pink and very fresh.” (I’m not sure which cheeks he was referring to!)
It’s fun, isn’t it. You see, I’m English and you’re American, or recently American, and we have this kind of love-hate relationship. I’m sorry that I don’t speak your language.
This is one of the basic problems that Churchill had in the war years: persuading the Americans to come in and fight his war for him. Because by 1940 it had become Churchill’s War. It was no longer concerned with Poland. Poland was forgotten as soon as Poland was defeated, but the war by 1940 became a matter of self-prolongation. It had become important to Churchill’s own political reign that the war continue.
Less than 20 percent of Americans felt in 1942 that there should be closer collaboration with Britain after the war. This is what the Gallup Poll found out in June of 1942. They saw the British as aristocratic, snobbish, selfish, arrogant and cold. (Now there’s nothing wrong with being arrogant. We spend a lot of money sending our boys to school to teach them arrogance.) The Gallup Poll also found how the British, at this time, saw the Americans. Their image was one of conceit, cocksureness, gangsterism, graft and corruption. (This sounds almost anti-Semitic, doesn’t it?) Churchill generally was liked: 45 percent liked him — 25 percent liked Chiang Kai-shek, seven percent liked Stalin. Those disliking him included the Negroes, the Irish, Midwestern farmers, and people of German descent — for some odd reason!
When Churchill came to the shores of the United States he did not receive unanimously favorable fan mail. The FBI files, which I’ve been going through for my Churchill research, contain some prize letters which were intercepted by the FBI, including this anonymous letter from a California mother of three:
Every time you appear on our shores, it means something very terrible for us. Why do you not stay at home and fight your own battles instead of always pulling us into them to save your rotten neck? You are taking foul advantage of our blithering idiot of a president. (June 19, 1942).
You see, if I’m known for anything as a historian, apart from being a pain in the neck, it’s because I uncover things. And uncovering things does not necessarily mean you go into the archives and see something and say: “Look at this, this is something quite extraordinary.” If you go into the archives long enough, ten or twenty years, you become what I would call a “gap-ologist” I can spot gaps in archives and they’re much more difficult to spot, because they’ve been papered over, and the files have been closed. And it’s only by going through the archives over a period of many years that you get the gut feeling that something isn’t there that should be there. And you get this kind of gut feeling when you look into the American archives, and then you look in the British archives, and then you go to Australia and Canada and the other archives, and you think to yourself “Wait a minute, in the American archives, I’ve seen a whole heap of documents on that but here I am in the archives outside of London, and yet there’s a gap!” It takes a long time before you can put your finger on that gap. There’s not exactly a label saying “What’s this gap. Try and spot what it is.” So I’ve become a bit of a gap-ologist. I look for what is missing from the files. And particularly in the history of how we managed to drag you in in 1941, there are gaps. There are gaps in the files particularly relating to Japan and the United States. And there are gaps in the files all the way back to 1936, when the Americans first invaded the British Empire.
You don’t know of this invasion because nobody makes a great fuss about it now, in view of the fact of our special relationship with you. There’s not just one nation that has a special relationship with you, there’s another one. (Every time that Israel is described as America’s staunchest ally, Mrs. Thatcher winces!) And the fact that occasionally you’ve done the dirty on us is neatly overlooked. The fact that you robbed us blind in 1940-41 is overlooked. The fact that back in 1936 President Roosevelt sent U.S. Marines to invade Canton Island, at that time a British possession in the Phoenix Islands in the South Pacific peopled at that time by only one British Resident (capital “R” – British Resident), who had his native wife. (They lived in a grass hut, and they had the Union Jack ran up on a flag pole). Pan Am needed that island for an interim stopping point on its flights down to the South Pacific, and so Roosevelt sent the Marines to throw the British out!
Now, you may find it surprising that there’s no reference to this in the British archives. But it is referred to in the catalog of the British Archives. You’ll find it says: “American policy: Canton Island. Closed until the 21st century.” All pages referring to this painful episode are closed until 2017. So I’m not going to be able to see them! This is a typical example of the gaps you look for. You’ll find the papers on them in the American archives, clearly enough — which is how I first came to find out about this — in the private papers of Harold Ickes, who was the Secretary of the Interior at that time. This was part of his purview.
I think Professor Warren S. Kimball, who is a great Churchillologist in the American university system at Rutgers University, was the first person to draw attention to the gaps in the British archives relating to the Japanese files. For all of the intelligence files relating to Japan have been withdrawn, and not just any files relating to Japan, but precisely the month before Pearl Harbor – Gone. Out of the British files.
I humbly add to this the fact that if you look a bit further you can see other gaps. Martin Gilbert is the authorized Churchill biographer, which rather implies that nobody else ought to write about Churchill. (But I’ve arrogated to myself, in my arrogant way, the job of writing an un-authorized biography). If you look at Martin Gilbert’s biography of Churchill, you’ll find on one page of volume six that something has clearly been removed referring to November the 26th, 1941, which is a very important day in the history of pre-Pearl Harbor. November 26, 1941, is the day when we prevailed on the Americans to stand firm with the Japanese, thereby insuring that war would break out. And on that day in the Martin Gilbert biography, you’ll find that a paragraph has obviously been removed at some time because there’s reference to a letter that Churchill wrote to the president, which has been taken out on that day. And we know it’s gone because in the next paragraph Gilbert rather foolishly continues with the words: “… on the same day such and such a thing happened!” And it no longer means the same day. So you could spot where the gap was. It’s obviously all been shuffled up again and the pages have been reset – for something has been taken out relating to November 26, 1941.
If you look into the American archives under that date — at the National Archives building on Pennsylvania avenue in Washington D.C. — and look at all the telegrams that went between London and Washington on that date, about forty of them went through embassy channels, you can see the serial numbers of the telegrams, and suddenly there are two telegrams that had serial numbers that are not in the archives. They have vanished from the archives! And this kind of thing didn’t happen. If a serial number was allocated to a telegram and that telegram number was not used, then a blank page goes into the archives with a reference number “not used.”
So two telegrams have been removed from the archives, because there’s a gap in the numbering. And we don’t know precisely what happened on November 26th, except by odd allusions to it in the diaries of Roosevelt’s staff. So the gaps begin to be significant. And then you realize what was making you unhappy about the British and American archives — and it’s a huge thing — it’s so big that you wonder why you didn’t discover it in the first place! And it’s the big things that people often don’t notice.
Just like, for example, in the famous case of the Adolf Hitler diaries that were published back in 1983. I was interested in the chemical test of the glue on the string and the ink and the paper, and so on. But there was the big thing that all of us overlooked, I’ve got to admit. This was the fact that when I saw the diaries — there was 62 of them stacked up on the table — all identical Adolf Hitler diaries in his handwriting, apparently authentic. And yet the thing that should have occurred to all of us at that time was obvious. The fact that if there were 62 diaries, all identical, on that table in 1983, meant that back in about 1920 Adolf Hitler had gone into his local stationers and said: “I want 62 diaries please … I’m going to write a diary!” You see? None of us spotted that. I have to admit that, although I’m rather ashamed to admit it. And so it is with the archives over the water, in London, and here in Washington.
In Washington the American government has now released all their Japanese intercepts. Everything that was decoded from the Japanese diplomatic files, and some of the naval files, and military signals and water company messages and so on, that we were decoding in 1940 and 1941 and onwards, by the famous “Magic” machines, the diplomatic code “Purple,” and various other codes of that series, has now been released to the National Archives in Washington by the NSA (the National Security Agency). Millions of pages of intercepts that were generated by the Japanese and decoded by the American army and navy cryptographers during the Second World War are in the American archives. In the British archives there is not one single page of a Japanese message decoded by the British.
This is not easily spotted, because it is a gap! There is no kind of gap on the shelves with a sign saying, “Here’s where the British decrypts will eventually come when they are released.” They just keep very quiet about them!
For example, a few months ago, I came across a very low level order by Churchill on security. They’re looking at the movements of the Japanese foreign minister. Churchill’s chief of staff, a man called Ismay, writes to Churchill, saying “Well, what do we do about the attached document?” And the attached document, which is quite obviously, from the content, an intercept of a Japanese message of February 1941, has been withdrawn by the British government. And there is a withdrawal sheet there saying that the attached document had been withdrawn but you don’t know what it is. You only know from inference from the covering letters that it is an intercept of a Japanese message.
So what does all this mean? It means that we British were definitely reading Japanese signals in the years before Pearl Harbor. (I will elaborate shortly upon which particular codes we were reading.) It means that we are so ashamed of what we were getting out of those signals that we dare not admit: A, that we were getting Japanese messages, and, B, that we dare not take the risk of releasing any of those messages in the archives in case some clever David Irving comes along five years from now and sees what inferences to draw from them. We are entitled to draw a further inference, C, from this, and this is that the people who are hiding things are doing so out of a basically guilty conscience. The Americans have not hidden any of their Japanese intercepts, so far as we’re aware. I think any authorized historian would go along with me on that particular claim. The Americans have been enormously up front about releasing all their intercepts now into the National Archives. In fact it’s an embarrassing profusion of intercepts. We don’t know what to do with them. There are millions of them. No one historian has time to go through them all, there are so many. And yet, we British have not released a single page. You don’t even find scattered misfiled pages in the archives. All have sedulously been weeded out of the files.
I think that what happened was this: back in September of 1939 we began reading the Japanese fleet operational code, JN-25 (JN: Japanese Navy), and these Japanese naval intercepts were being read by us, finally, at a much higher level than the American cryptographers were capable of. I could read out to you various documents in the course of this evening if I wanted to show the displeasure that the Americans felt with us that we were not releasing to them everything that we had. George Marshall wrote letters to the President about it. A man called McCormack was sent to Britian in 1943 to find out if there was any way of getting the British intelligence authorities to release still more of their intercepts, because the Americans had by that time realized that we were decoding more than we were releasing. And we are left with the problem of trying to work out why we have not released the JN-25 intercepts to the archives in Britain, and whether we’re entitled to draw conclusions from this. Its a gap and it’s an embarrassing gap. I think this is one reason why, as Warren Kimball has pointed out, certain British foreign office files relating to Japan from September-October and particularly from November of 1941 have been withdrawn completely from the British archives even though they’re just about Japan, apparently, not necessarily containing intercept material. They’ve been withdrawn from the archives in violation of our 30-year rule and they’re not going to be put into the archives until long after all of us in this room are dead. This again is the action of a guilty conscience.
My colleague, John Costello, a very fine writer, who has written detailed books about Pearl Harbor, has made formal applications to the Ministry of Defense in Britain, and he has been told: “It would not be in the national interest for these files to be released.” Not in the national interest! Now, nearly 50 years later, we still can’t be told what happened before Pearl Harbor?
Let’s have a look at some of the other gaps so you can see the way that we’ve all been misled, and how some of your most famous historians have not found out how we’ve been misled. Let us look, for example, at the private diary of Henry Stimson. Henry Stimson — the American secretary of war, conservative, Republican, elderly gentleman, upright, fine, decent — wrote a very detailed diary, as did a number of cabinet members, thank God. He dictated them onto a dictaphone disk. When he retired at the end of each day he would dictate onto a disk, and the next day the secretary would type up what the boss had dictated the day before. These diary entries are sometimes 25 or 30 pages long, and if you go to Yale University you can read the Henry Stimson diary in original. I do emphasize the importance of this to any of you who want to write or want to see what true history is: don’t read “printed” versions of diaries, read the original if you can. If you can’t, then get microfilm copies or photocopies, because that’s the only way you’re going to get a feel for where the faking has been done.
I remember reading one of Rommel’s diaries: Rommel had just lost a particularly stupid battle in November of 1941, and he realized a week or two later, the stupid mistake he had made, and he had his secretary, a corporal, retype the page in the diary — correcting history after the event! The corporal sat down and religiously typed it out, and he made the mistake that all of us make on the first day of any new year, he put the wrong year at the head of the page: November 1942! This is a clear give-away.
The same thing happens in the Henry Stimson diary, in the month before Pearl Harbor. If you look in the original diary you will find clear evidence that the pages of the Stimson diary have been tampered with before Pearl Harbor. Probably by him, himself.
Every secretary has her own idiosyncrasies: they indent by a certain number of words at the beginning of a paragraph, they leave two or three spaces after a period or comma, they underline the date or they don’t, they write 23 lines to a page or whatever. And Stimson’s secretary, being a top-flight Washington secretary, did just that. She typed the diary meticulously. Which means, of course, that if she takes out a paragraph on a page, or takes out a sentence or two sentences and retypes it, you can spot it And if somebody else does it, of course, retypes it two or three years later, you can spot it even better, because it’s a different secretary by then.
If you look in the Stimson diary you’ll find that in November and October 1941, two months before Pearl Harbor, that repeatedly passages have been taken out of the Stimson diary, and that page had been retyped by a different secretary for the reasons I just described. And on Pearl Harbor day itself, December 7, 1941, we find that from page three onward the whole diary has been retyped. Again, by the same secretary, the one who retyped it three or four years later, because it always contains the same idiosyncrasies of the second lady and not the original secretary. How many historians discovered that? And are we entitled to draw any conclusions as to what went in and to what’s been taken out? Well, as luck would have it, on November 4, 1944, Stimson had a strange telephone call from Henry Morgenthau. Henry Morgenthau, secretary of the treasury, telephoned Henry Stimson, deeply troubled because the Morgenthau plan was being accused of costing the lives of two divisions of GIs. Morgenthau telephones Stimson and begs for absolution. He says: “Say it isn’t so, Henry!”
And if you go into the Morgenthau Diary, in the Roosevelt library in Hyde Park, you’ll find this very interesting entry penciled in, which again, nobody else has spotted — not even Arthur Schlesinger Jr. so far as I know — November 4, 1944, 8:45: “Telephoned Henry Stimson, Cold Springs, and urged him to do something [to deny Dewey’s claim that the Morgenthau Plan had prolonged the war]. He sounded tired, more tired than ever. He said he was tired out from working the last two weeks on the Pearl Harbor report, to keep out anything that might hurt the president.”
So there you’ve got it! Round about the same time he was going through his diaries, thinking: My God, did I write that down in the diaries? Better cut that out” “Miss Moneypenny, can you retype these pages for me?” It’s a cover-up.
Again, you can spot what’s gone out of those pages. Because if you read the whole of 1941, throughout all the other months, Stimson is writing down, every day, the details of the “magics” that he gets, the intercepts of the Japanese messages, the diplomatic reports. Stimson is writing them down every day until suddenly, just before Pearl Harbor, around November the third, every reference to Japan dries up suddenly.From November the third onwards, right through until November the twenty-sixth, there’s no reference to Japan at all in his diaries, apparently, in the edited version. Now that’s a likely story. What he’s done is he’s gone through cutting out everything! Because he’s very scared indeed, because here is piece of evidence after piece of evidence that the Japanese are up to something. So he’s gone through the diaries and cut out these references.
Now in the British Archives there’s another gap, and again it only comes to you when you’ve been working on the subject intensively in the other archives. This concerns the “Winds message.” I won’t go into a complicated description of what the “Winds message” was. Suffice it to say that the Japanese had realized that when war broke out, they would need some cryptic way of telling their embassies abroad who was going to be the enemy and when war was going to break out. They decided to tell the various embassies abroad to watch out in the local Japanese weather forecast that was broadcast around the world — an ordinary weather forecast broadcast from Tokyo. These distant embassies in London, Rome, and Berlin, were to watch for certain messages about which way the wind was blowing, and whether it was going to rain. And this “winds message,” which was issued from Tokyo on November 19, 1941, was decoded by us – this preparatory message, from November the twenty-fifth, we should say — was decoded by us, the British and Americans, on November the twenty-fifth.
Messages went out to all our listening posts: Singapore, Hong Kong, the east and west coasts of the United States, and in Britain — to listen for the slightest sign of the “Winds execute” transmission. In the American archives there are tons and tons of documents about the “Winds message,” in the SRH series in the National Archives, Record Group 457. You’ll find that there are expositions on it, there are summaries of it, there are deliberations and accusations and debates and Pearl Harbor hearings about the “Winds message.” We British were asked to keep our ears open for the “Winds message,” too. Because obviously we might equally likely pick up the “Winds message.” Because such are the idiosyncrasies in the propagation of radio waves that we sometimes pick up radio messages broadcast from Japan that the Americans can’t pick up. So we were listening out for it, too. And yet, if you look in the British archives relating to Japan, if you look in the BBC archives too, you won’t find even a reference to the “Winds message,” let alone the search for it, let alone the result. Did we or did we not pick up the “Winds execute” message which gave us sufficient warning, as it gave the Americans, in fact on December the fourth, three days before Pearl Harbor, that Japan was about to attack Britain, about to attack the United States, but was not about to attack Russia.
Well, I think that we did. I think that our intelligence services did pick up the “Winds message” and that Churchill either did or did not communicate that vital information to the United States. We’ll come to that matter in a minute. Churchill’s great nightmare throughout 1941 was that he was going to find himself blundering into war with Japan — alone. And that the United States would hang out until the last minute and then not come in. This is written very large in all of Churchill’s deliberations both inside his cabinet and in private. But of course Churchill’s deliberations inside his cabinet didn’t mean very much because Churchill’s cabinet had about as much brains as the band on the Johnny Carson Show. You see, Churchill knew that Roosevelt wanted war, but Churchill was familiar with Roosevelt’s basic problem: namely, that the American people did not want war. Churchill did all he could to help Roosevelt out of his dilemma.
We were reading the German submarine codes. We knew where the German submarines were in the Atlantic, so Churchill took pains to ensure that our convoys coming across the Atlantic, escorted by American ships, would head directly to where the German U-boats were, in the hopes that the U-boats would sink an American ship. This was the kind of thing that we can see going on now that we’re gradually getting access to all the files. You now begin to understand where the British national interest is: that these things should not be released.
Back in 1941, Churchill’s biggest problem was the Ambassador, Joseph P. Kennedy, the American ambassador in the Court of St. James. Joseph P. Kennedy, one of my favorite characters of World War Two, father of President Kennedy, who was probably not one of my favorite characters. Joseph Kennedy was a glorious, Irish, Catholic bigot. Roosevelt had a sense of humor in appointing him to London, and he admitted that he had only done it as a bit of a joke. Churchill found it anything but a joke when he became Prime Minister.
Kennedy had a habit of reporting back to Washington the truth! When Kennedy went to ask Chamberlain, the Prime Minister, why he shouldn’t have Churchill in his cabinet, Chamberlain’s reply was that “the man was very unstable and he’s become a fine two-fisted drinker.” Churchill knew what Kennedy was reporting because we were reading the American diplomatic codes as well, and Churchill did everything he could to get rid of Kennedy – by fair means or foul. In fact, as his diaries make plain (we’ve got certain fragments of Kennedy’s diaries, which are quite interesting, because he was viciously anti-Semitic), Kennedy believed that Churchill was capable of stooping to anything to bring the United States in to war. In one telegram he reports back to Washington that he thinks that Churchill is on the point of bombing the U.S. Embassy in London. He believed that Churchill, in 1940, was about to bomb the American Embassy in London and claim that the Germans had done it! Later on, in 1940, when Kennedy decides to go back to Florida for a vacation, he takes the plane down to Lisbon, and he boards the USS Manhattan to sail back across the Atlantic, and in a bit of a panic because he knows who he’s dealing with, he’s dealing with Churchill, he sends a telegram to the State Department saying: Please, will you announce that if the USS Manhattan is torpedoed and sunk, it will not be considered a casus belli, that the United States will not declare war over this because I have reason to believe that Churchill is planning to torpedo the USSManhattan knowing that I’m on board!” Now these telegrams are not contained in the published volumes of the foreign relations of the United States. I found them in the archives (they are in Suitland, Maryland), and I quoted them in the first volume of my Churchill biography as well as even more hilarious telegrams in the subsequent volume. They do show that Kennedy had correctly assessed what Churchill was up to. He was trying to drag the United States into the war by hook or by crook.
In the middle of 1940 Churchill hit on the idea of buying from the United States, 50 World War I destroyers, which were completely useless, and exchanging them for valuable pieces of British Empire real estate. He gave to the United States bits of the Caribbean islands, that were our colonies, bits of Newfoundland, and bits of British Guiana, in return for 50 destroyers, that were so useless, in fact, that not one saw action in World War Two — except, I think, for theCampbelltown which was only fit to be towed across the English Channel laden with dynamite and blown up in the French dock gates in St. Nazaire in March 1942. It wasn’t a very good bargain, in other words. In the words of Adolf Berle, the American undersecretary of state, writing in his diary: “With one single gulp we have managed to obtain a large part of the British Empire, in return for nothing.” Namely those 50 destroyers. This was one of the methods that Churchill was using in an attempt to bring the United States closer and closer to the brink of war.
Another method that he used was far more cynical. As he said to Ambassador Kennedy in June or July 1940: “You watch, when Adolf Hitler begins bombing London and bombing towns in Britain like Boston and Lincoln, towns with their counterparts in the United States, you Americans will have to come in, won’t you, you can’t just stand aside and watch our suffering.” But he knew from code-breaking, he knew from reading the German air force signals, which were broken on May 26, 1940, that Hitler had given orders that no British town was to be bombed. London was completely embargoed. The German air force was allowed to bomb ports and harbors and dockyards, but not towns as such. Churchill was greatly aggrieved by this. He wondered how much longer Hitler could afford carrying on war like this. Hitler, as we know, carried on until September 1940 without bombing any English towns. The embargo stayed in force, we can see it in the German archives now, and we know from the code-breaking of the German signals, that Churchill was reading Hitler’s orders to the German air force: not on any account to bomb these towns. So there was no way that we could drag in the Americans that way unless we could provoke Hitler to do it. Which was why, on August 25, 1940, Churchill gave the order to the British air force to go and bomb Berlin. Although the chief of the bomber command and the chief of staff of the British air force warned him that if we bombed Hitler, he may very well lift the embargo on British towns. And Churchill just twinkled. Because that was what he wanted — of course.
At 9:15 that morning he telephoned personally the bomber commander, himself, to order the bombing of Berlin — one hundred bombers to go and bomb Berlin. They went out and bombed Berlin that night, and Hitler still didn’t move. Then Churchill ordered another raid on Berlin, and so it went on for the next seven or ten days until finally, on September 4th, Hitler lost his patience and made that famous speech in the Sport Palace in Berlin in which he said: “This madman has bombed Berlin now seven times. If he bombs Berlin now once more, then I shall not only just attack their towns, I shall wipe them out!” (“Ich werde ihre Städte ausradieren! ” ) A very famous speech. Of course German schoolchildren are told about the Hitler speech, but not told about what went first. They’re not told how Churchill set out deliberately to provoke the bombing of his own capital. And on the following day Churchill ordered Berlin bombed again. And now of course the Germans started bombing the docks in London, the East End of London, finally the city of London and the West End on November 6 and 7, 1940. In September 1940, 7,000 Londoners were killed in the bombing as the result of Churchill’s deliberate provocation. The files are there, the archives are there. No wonder Harold Macmillan didn’t want my book published!
Still the Americans didn’t come in. Kennedy was still the ambassador. Churchill moved heaven and earth to have him dismissed and recalled to the United States. Churchill, you see, had been secretly conniving with Roosevelt ever since the outbreak of the war. In fact, we have to say that although these telegrams, from October 1939 onwards, showed Churchill conniving with Roosevelt, we have to wonder what went on between these two men in private, even before the exchange of telegrams. I think, personally, that secret emissaries passed to and fro between these two men.
We know that Roosevelt sent Judge Felix Frankfurter, one of his closest intimates and advisors, to Britain. We know that Frankfurter came over, and we know the kind of advice he gave to Churchill, and that was before the war. We know that Churchill frequently sent his own intimates back to Roosevelt. More significantly we know that even though Churchill was only a minister at that time, not even Prime Minister, just the First Sea Lord, the navy minister, Roosevelt telephoned him, frequently.
I don’t know, frankly, why Neville Chamberlain put up with it as the Prime Minister: that the president, the head of state of a neutral power, should go over the head of the Prime Minister, behind his back, behind the back of his own cabinet, in telephone conversations in time of war with a minister, with a subordinate minister, an ambitious subordinate minister, in the shape of Winston Churchill. Possibly because Chamberlain was tapping the telephone and preferred to have a devil he did know to a devil he didn’t know! Unfortunately, these telephone conversations between Churchill and Roosevelt, which went on long after Churchill became prime minister, of course, are not in the archives. I have left no stone unturned to try and find the transcripts of those telephone conversations, because that is the two men speaking to each other, through their own mouths and ears and the telephone system. Not through committees, not through telegrams being drafted by undersecretaries and so on, but they were really conferring, conspiring, and conniving with each other.
In the United States these telephone conversations were censored and intercepted by the Department of the Navy. It was the Navy’s job to carry out the censorship of the telephone and telegraphic communications in the United States. And unfortunately Harry Truman — no great statesman, God bless him, in the best of times — at the end of World War Two ordered that the office-of-censorship records were to be kept closed in perpetuity. So if those transcripts of those telephone conversations are in those files, we’re never going to know what those two men said to each other. But we need to know what they said to each other. In Britain, unfortunately, no transcripts have been released. I find it inconceivable that there isn’t somewhere down the telephone line, at each end, there wasn’t a shorthand secretary somewhere taking down what these two men said.
There’s no doubt at all that they did their major work on the telephone. When Rudolph Hess made his misguided flight to Scotland in 1941, and Churchill kept him locked up under lock and key as the secret prisoner of the British secret service, Roosevelt was desperate to find out about what was going on in Britain, and wanted to have some special propaganda movies made of Rudolph Hess. Finally one of Roosevelt’s private staff wrote him a memorandum, which I think is highly significant. The memorandum said: “I think it’s time for a telephone job.” A telephone job! As though it’s a kind of key word — a buzz word — inside the White House. The memorandum goes on: “This isn’t one which we can put around through the usual channels in the State Department — it’s got to be done by a telephone job.” I think these are the channels that historians should start looking for when they’re trying to find out about the lead up to Pearl Harbor. They’ve got to get those transcripts of those telephone conversations.
There’s a key cabinet meeting of November 7, 1941, a cabinet meeting that was referred to in the Henry Stimson diary and in the private diary of Claude Wickard, oddly enough the Secretary of Agriculture. You wouldn’t think you’d find military secrets in the diary of the Secretary of Agriculture, but that’s just the kind of place that I look. I remember I was sitting in the archives next to Arthur Schlesinger, the famous writer on Roosevelt, and I drew his attention to these Wickard diaries, handwritten diaries recording Roosevelt’s cabinet meetings, which are not recorded officially anywhere else. And Schlesinger’s jaw dropped and he said: “Jeez, I didn’t know there were these things.” On November 7, 1941, Roosevelt held a cabinet meeting in which he revealed that Churchill had telephoned him a few days earlier, and recommended a preemptive attack on Japan. You see, now you’re beginning to get the picture of who is pushing whom! We were trying to get the United States in the war somehow, by hook or by crook! And the methods we used in those pre-war years, and in the first years of the Second World War, to bring the United States in — I think are methods you’ve never even dreamed of.
First of all, we were the ones, I’m sure, in a telephone conversation between Churchill and Roosevelt on the night of the 24th to 25th of July 1941, who persuaded Roosevelt to take the fateful step of issuing sanctions against Japan, sanctions whereby Japan would receive no more oil, no more vital raw materials, sanctions which drove Japan into a corner because oil was running out. She was fighting a war in China, and had no other way of continuing that war. Unless she went to war herself against, for example, the Dutch East Indies, where she could get hold of the oil she needed. I think that it was Churchill who took that step. We had been doing all we could in the 1940-1941 period to drag the United States in. We had deliberately routed the American convoys toward German submarines.
Sir William Stephenson, remember, the man called “Intrepid,” the head of the British secret service in the United States – Sir William Stephenson had been feeding fake documents to Roosevelt through the intelligence service of the OSS, to William Donovan, Wild Bill, the man we ourselves had appointed the head of the American secret service — an extraordinary coincidence you might think. We were feeding documents to him to feed on to Roosevelt proving to him [Roosevelt] that Hitler was about to invade South America. For example, an unfortunate major, Elias Del Monte, who was the Bolivian military attache in Berlin, found his signature at the foot of a letter that he had written to his government at La Paz describing German plans to invade Bolivia. Fortunately Del Monte was recalled immediately to La Paz, cashiered and dismissed. Bolivia declared war on Germany. All the result of a letter which we ourselves (the British secret service) had faked. All this came out in 1972. When it came out, Del Monte, who was still alive, was reinstated with full honors, promoted to general, and there was a grand parade in his honor at La Paz. One of the extraordinary episodes of World War II!
A British intelligence agent duped the governor of Dutch Guyana into believing that a German raider was busy in their waters. So that country also declared war on Germany. August 2, 1941, we passed fake documents to Bogota claiming evidence of plans to cause rioting in Bogota. The Colombians didn’t play along. In 1942 we went a stage further. Now this is not a rather shaky memory presented forty years later on “60 Minutes,” but is recorded in the State Department archives. In May 1942, the American ambassador in Bogota sends a rather worried telegram to the State Department saying that I have been approached by our British counterpart saying that the head of their SIS section, Stagg, attached to their embassy in Bogota, has received orders from his headquarters to assassinate the Colombian foreign minister, and has requested the American embassy for technical assistance in carrying out his mission. Are we to go ahead with this? And the State Department wrote right back “You are not to go ahead with this! We totally disagree with this kind of operation, and we are getting rather fed up with what British secret service getting up to in South America!”
I was puzzled about this. I thought had this unfortunate Colombian foreign minister got a record of neo-Nazi activities, perhaps? Was he a disbeliever in the Holocaust? Was there some reason to justify his being terminated — I think that’s the modern phrase — by the British secret service?
So I went to great trouble. I checked all the diplomatic books, looked up all the Staggs in the archives, and found a Louis Stagg, who had been honorary consul in Graham Greenesque fashion in Havana, Cuba, and who eventually had been posted further to South America. He was alive and well and living in Paris. I went to interview him and yes, it was true: he had been instructed to assassinate the Colombian Foreign Minister. So I contacted the Colombian authorities. Could they give me a small cameo of this Minister? Was he particularly pro-German? “Oh no, he was very pro-British!” The plot thickens. Why would we want to assassinate a pro- British Colombian Foreign Minister in May, 1942? The answer is: he was due to retire anyway, at the end of that month! And the blame was going to be put on the Germans for carrying out the assassination! This is all in volume two. Needless to say Macmillan is probably not going to publish this one either.
On Navy Day, October 27, 1941, Roosevelt issued a statement on American ship sinkings. “History has recorded who fired the first shot,” he said. Hitler has often protested that his plans of conquest do not extend across the Atlantic ocean. His submarines and raiders prove otherwise. So does the entire design of his new World Order.” For example, says Roosevelt, “I have in my possession a secret map made in Germany by Hitler’s government — by the planners of the New World Order.” In fact, printed by Her Majesty’s Stationers office in London. “It is a map of South America and a part of Central America as Hitler proposes to organize it. Today in this little area there are fourteen separate countries. The geographical experts of Berlin, however, have ruthlessly obliterated all existing boundary lines and have divided South American into five vassal states, bringing the whole continent under their domination. This map makes clear the Nazi design, not only against South America, but against the United States itself.”
I must say that since I’m an Englishman – we must take credit for this kind of thing — we printed that map, we gave it to Stephenson, the man called “Intrepid,” who gave it to Donovan, who gave it to the OSS, who gave it to the White House, who gave it to the president, who gave it eventually to the Roosevelt archives, where it is now to be seen in the Roosevelt Library in Hyde Park, New York The genuine fake Nazi map proving that Hitler was planning to invade South America. As though Hitler hadn’t had enough on his plate! At a time when he was having a lot of trouble outside of Moscow, he was apparently planning, with his left hand to invade South America and then march on up [highway] U.S. 1 to Washington.
Now, was Roosevelt being naive? The answer is No, of course. He knew perfectly well that this had been furnished him by the British secret service. He was trying to frighten his own public into wanting war.
The other people who were coming into Churchill’s court in this particular match were the Zionists. They had been giving Churchill a lot of trouble, in fact, ever since the beginning of the war. They were rather unhappy because they had gone a long way towards financing his climb to power in the mid-1930s. But now that he was in office, as happens so often, he wanted them to go away. But they didn’t. They kept on beating a path to No. 10 Downing Street, asking for a Jewish army, asking for an arsenal of munitions in Palestine, and threatening a lot of trouble if he didn’t go along with their plans.
Churchill had, however, no other alternative but to ignore them for the time being. You see, there was a rising tide of anti-Jewish feeling in Britain throughout the early war years. You won’t find this in the published histories, of course, but it’s there in the archives: in the records of the letters censorship in Britain, in the records of the ministry of the interior, the home secretary. There’s a great deal about the problems being caused by anti-Semitic feelings. Nobody in authority could overlook the rising tide of anti-Jewish feeling in Britain. I’ve written on this in volume two. The stereotype of the lazy, artful, racketeering Jew, is to be found in the private writings of many government officers, including Anthony Eden. In part it was an after-echo of Hitler’s propaganda, in part the independent perception by the native British people themselves, who had seen the penniless immigrants arrive from Europe and rise to positions of rapid affluence. I quote from a document: “The growth of anti- Semitism in Britain is partly the result of Jewish refugees being able to fend for themselves better than other refugees,” wrote Robert Bruce Lockhart, the shrewd director of Psychological Warfare, commenting on publicly reported black-market cases. He would remark in a later wartime entry in his diary on the large numbers of taxis “filled with Jews” making for the Ascot horse races. In March 1941 he learned that Lord Beaverbrook had inquired about Air Vice-Marshal John Slessor, “Was he a Jew, was he a defeatist?” In July Eden’s secretary observed in his diary: “The war hasn’t made people more pro-Jew,” to which he added three weeks later: “The Jews are their own worst enemy by their conduct in cornering foodstuffs and evacuating themselves to the best billets,” and so on.
The insidious rise of anti-Semitic feeling was something which Churchill could not ignore. So no matter how often Zionists came to him, Churchill couldn’t knuckle under and say, “Very well then, you can have your own Jewish state. I promise to make a public declaration in that respect, and we will already start arming a Jewish army.” There were Jewish units in the British army. They fought very well in certain areas, but he was not prepared to pay more than lip-service to the Zionists at this time.
Now, I’ve had private access to the private papers of Chaim Weizmann, who was the first president of the State of Israel and who was the head of the Jewish agency. And it’s very interesting to see from these private papers and the records of his meetings with Churchill throughout the war years, precisely how this bargaining, haggling, and blackmail, in fact, went on.
On August 27, 1941, Weizmann hinted for the first time of the leverage the Americans Jews could exert on President Roosevelt. He reminded Oliver Harvey, who was Eden’s secretary, that the Jews were an influential ethnic lobby in the United States. (Quoi de neuf? as the French say: What’s new!). The U.S. Secretary of the Treasury, Henry Morgenthau Jr., was particularly keen, he said, that Britain should allow more Jews to settle in Palestine. “[The] president’s entourage is very Jewish,” noted Harvey, who made a careful note of Weizmann’s remarks. However, the Zionist leader could not get near Mr. Churchill. (Ike got Churchill’s appointment cards. I rented them from the man who stole them, and we can see how often Weizmann didn’t get to see Churchill.)
By September 10, 1941, Weizmann was writing an extraordinarily outspoken letter to Prime Minister Churchill in which he again recalled how the Jews of the United States had pulled their country into war before, and could do it again — provided that Britain toed the Zionist line over immigration into Palestine. He reminded Churchill that two years had passed since the Jewish Agency had offered to Britain the support of the Jews in Palestine and throughout the world. A whole year had passed, he added, since the prime minister had personally approved his offer to recruit Jews in Palestine. But for two years, Weizmann complained, the Jewish Agency had met only rebuffs and humiliation.
“Tortured by Hitler as no nation has ever been in modern times,” he continued, “and advertised by him as his foremost enemy, we are refused by those who fight him the chance of seeing our name and our flag appear amongst those arrayed against him.” Artfully associating the anti-Zionists with the other enemies populating Mr. Churchill’s mind, Weizmann assured him that he knew this exclusion was not of his own [Churchill’s] doing. “It is the work of people who were responsible for Munich and for the 1939 White Paper on Palestine.” After describing his four-month tour in the United States, Weizmann came to his real sales pitch. There’s only one big ethnic group which is willing to stand to a man for Great Britain and a policy of all-out aid to her: the five million American Jews. From Secretary Morgenthau, Governor Lehman [of New York State], Justice Felix Frankfurter, down to the simplest Jewish workman or trader, they are conscious of all that this struggle against Hitler implies.” British statesmen themselves, he reminded Churchill, had often acknowledged that it was those Jews who has effectively brought the United States into the war in 1917. “They are keen to do it, and may do it again.”
“But,” he admonished, “you are dealing with human beings, with flesh and blood. And the most elementary feeling of self- respect sets limits to service, however willing, if the response is nothing but rebuffs and humiliation.” All that he was asking for now was a formation of a Jewish fighting force. That would be signal enough for the Jews of the United States.
This is the kind of blackmail that Churchill had to put up with from the Zionists throughout the Second World War. And of course, when the blackmail didn’t work they set about assassinating our people in the Middle East. It’s an odd thing that is often forgotten by the admirers of Begin and Shamir and the rest of them, that when the rest of the world was fighting Hitler the Zionists in the Middle East were fighting us! They had nothing better to do with their time!
Felix Frankfurter, in fact, crops up in the Japanese intercepts. Sure enough, on November 18, 1941, the Japanese found a man called Schmidt who had gone and had a long talk with Justice Felix Frankfurter. The message intercepted (by the U.S. Navy and decoded by them) is a telegram in code from Nomura in Washington to Tokyo describing his talks with Schmidt, who had seen Frankfurter on the evening of the eighteenth. Schmidt had said that only Hitler would benefit if a U.S.-Japanese war broke out. If Japan made the first move, the war would be popular in America. Frankfurter, however, said: “Germany had been smart in that she has consistently done everything possible to prevent arousing the United States. Therefore, regardless of how much the President tries to fan the anti-German flame, he cannot make the desired headway.”
Now what a scandalous statement that is! Here’s the one country, Germany, trying to prevent a war and the other country — Roosevelt, neutral — trying to fan the flames of anti-German feeling to fuel the war. Yet it is the Germans who are called the criminals, and the Americans who do the prosecuting. And it all turns up in this Japanese signal about Frankfurter and another Austrian Jew called Schmidt.
So then came the problem of Japan: How to drag the United States in. I come back to the fact that we were very probably reading the Japanese signals at a higher level then the Americans were capable of reading. We had been in the code breaking business much longer than the Americans. By 1940 we had 3,000 code-breakers working in our Bletchley Park installations, and we had sub-units operating, devoting themselves exclusivly to breaking the Japanese signals. They were compartmented so that each group didn’t necessarily know what the others were doing. At a time when we had 3,000 working on it the Americans had 180! So it’s no surprise that we were doing better than the Americans at this time. We were reading, I think, the Japanese fleet code JN25. When we now go into the American archives we find the JN25 signals that the Americans managed to break several years later, signals from three or four weeks before Pearl Harbor, which show quite clearly that if anybody read those signals they would know that Pearl Harbor was going to be attacked.
I think that it is a reasonable conclusion for us to draw — a conclusion based on the fact that we are too ashamed to reveal any of our Japanese intercepts in the British archives — that we were, in fact, reading JN25 intercepts in 1941. Churchill, in whose hands all of the threads of the intelligence community came together. Churchill, with his Olympian view of what was going on around him, was the man who insisted that the war intelligence be fed to him uncensored, unedited and unscreened. Churchill knew by the middle of November of 1941 that the Japanese were about to attack America, and quite probably he knew the attack was going to be on the Pacific Fleet in Hawaii. He probably never dreamed that it was going to be so successful as it was. But we know what he did know about the other elements of the intelligence puzzle because there are references in the British and in the American archives to steps that he then took. We know that he knew that on December the first, second, third, and fourth, those days before Pearl Harbor, the Japanese had sent out signals to their embassies in London, and in Washington, and Hong Kong and Singapore — of course, to their diplomatic missions abroad — to destroy their code machines.
Now, when you tell your foreign ambassador to destroy his code machines, that’s a pretty final step. That means something is about to happen — something very ugly. And if you then tell him also to use special chemicals to destroy all the secret files, that falls in the same category. And that also makes plain why you are then going to rely on your foreign ambassador to listen out for a cryptic weather report message, as being the final clue to when and where that ugly thing is going to happen.
We got those messages. We intercepted Tokyo instructing the Japanese ambassador in Berlin to go and tell Hitler that war was about to break out sooner than anyone may dream. We intercepted the messages to the Japanese embassy in London, and in Washington and in Hong Kong, and in Singapore, instructing the Japanese ambassador to destroy his code machines, and to use chemicals to destroy all his secret files.
On December the 7th, Pearl Harbor day, Churchill invited the American ambassador, no longer John Kennedy, but a rather soft, flabby liberal, John G. Winant, to come and see him, and have lunch and dinner with him out at his private house at Chequers, a stage where so many dramatic events in Churchill’s life had taken place. The opening and closing of windows to which he referred. Lunch passed normally. When dinnertime came, Churchill, rather mysteriously, ordered his little American-built portable radio to be set up on the dinner table. It had been given to him by a visiting American, Hopkins, a few months before, a $20 radio set of a kind that when you opened the lid, it came on. But in those days, if you remember, it didn’t come right on, it took a minute or two to warm up. And Churchill didn’t quite grasp these new-fangled things, portable radio-sets, and he looked at his watch for the nine o’clock news – in England always the main news time — and lifted the lid. The news that finally came trickling through was of a great British operation in the Western desert Operation Crusader, a battle against Rommel. The battle is proceeding well, Montgomery expects to make fresh headway tomorrow, and the rest of it.
And Churchill couldn’t understand what had gone wrong. Eventually, rather disgruntled, he closes the lid and takes the radio away. It isn’t until fifteen minutes later that his butler comes rushing in, and says to the prime minister: “Have you heard the news? The Japanese have bombed the American fleet at Pearl Harbor!”
If you read Churchill’s memoirs, you will see this little scene half described. If you read Winant’s memoirs -which I’ve read in the manuscript form in his papers — you see the same scene described from Winant’s point of view. But it isn’t until you go to the BBC’s archives and get the script of that nights broadcast that you see what’s happened. The news of the bombing of Pearl Harbor has come in only a minute or two before the news broadcast. So the broadcaster has taken his first page of his script, which is all about the successful triumph of the British offensive in the Western Desert in Africa — on top of that he has written in one line saying that “We are getting reports of a Japanese attack on the American fleet in Pearl Harbor. More about this later.” Then he goes straight on, a matter of 10 or 15 seconds to talk about the attack against Rommel. Right at the end of the news broadcast he says, “Now back to the main item of today’s news, which is coming in, about the Japanese attack upon Pearl Harbor.” And if you look at the BBC script — the actual typescript — you can see how this happened : Churchill had expected to get that first item. That’s why the radio was on the table. He didn’t get it. That little scene is proof in my mind that Churchill knew about Pearl Harbor.
If you go into the Boston University Library, you’ll find another little clue. This is in the private diary of British newspaper man Cecil King. He was the director and editorial chief of our tabloid, fringe newspapers, the Mirror andPictorial group of newspapers during the war years. He wrote genuine diaries, which filled two suitcases. Little pocket diaries, written in fountain-pen-ink. You can always tell when diaries like that are genuine, for when you write a genuine diary, the ink changes a little bit from day to day: these are genuine diaries. A few days after Pearl Harbor, Cecil King writes in his diary. “Had a most interesting lunch with Hugh Cudlip.” Now Hugh Cudlip was another famous British newspaper owner and proprietor. Not just a nobody, but somebody who moved in high circles, somebody who the big wigs in Downing Street couldn’t ignore. Cecil King writes in his diary: “Interesting lunch with Hugh Cudlip. He has told me the most extraordinary fact, that we knew about Pearl Harbor five days in advance!” There it is, a little clue, where you wouldn’t expect to see it, that we knew about Pearl Harbor five days in advance.
Churchill telephoned Roosevelt as soon as the news came over, as soon as he had confirmation of the attack and said: “Now we are all in the same boat.” If you look in the papers of those who were with Roosevelt in those days, you will find more evidence of faking. Harry Hopkins, for example, that day wrote a one page typescript description of his session with Roosevelt, and it’s a glowing description of how Roosevelt turns to him and says: “I have done all I can to prevent wars. All my life I’ve been dedicated to preventing just what has happened today.” But what you spot there is that they are retyped. All Harry Hopkins’ other papers are rather messy: there are little bits of typescript on odd scraps of paper, typed and overtyped and with additions. But on Pearl Harbor it’s a beautiful typescript — it has been recopied at a later date. So again you get the evidence that something is going on between these two men, Churchill and Roosevelt, that isn’t quite kosher.
Frances Perkins, the labor secretary, wrote in an oral interview years later that she caught a glimpse of the old man’s eyes in a cabinet meeting at the White House that night, a kind of shifty glimpse that she knew from years of working with him, an unwillingness to look her in the eye, which told her he knew that he had done something dirty. But she couldn’t be precisely sure what. And so it was with Winston Churchill. Churchill was convinced that he had done the decent thing. Professor Donald Watt, one of our great English historians now, has commented that the suspicion must arise that Churchill deliberately courted war with Japan in order to bring America in. This is true, he went over the top in pushing America towards war. I think that Churchill deliberately allowed the attack on Pearl Harbor to go ahead in order to bring the Americans in. He did everything to avoid having the Pacific Fleet warned.
Commenting on this, Sir Richard Craigie, the British Ambassador in Japan, who was horrified when war broke out, said in a memo that we had taken every step that was wrong. We could have avoided war with Japan, we could have kept the Japanese out, and yet everything that we’ve done has brought them in. Churchill commented in 1943 on this memorandum: “It was a blessing that Japan attacked the United States, and thus brought America unitedly and wholeheartedly into the war. Greater good fortune has rarely happened to the British Empire than this event which has revealed our friends and foes in their true light, and may lead, through the merciless crushing of Japan, to a new relationship of immense benefit to the English-speaking countries and to the whole world.”
That was Churchill. But of course, the benefit was not ours or the Empire’s. Within six months we had lost every single possession we had in the far east. Singapore, Hong Kong, Burma — the Japanese even seemed on the point of invading India. It was the beginning of the end of the Empire. In fact, we never got those colonies back. They were gone. So how Churchill can regard that as being a grand effort is only explicable from the point of remembering that Churchill was half American. His mother was American. He was never really a true Englishman.
The only blessing for President Roosevelt, in conclusion, was when Churchill came to the White House. That December Churchill came to the White House, where he had his first conference with Roosevelt, who was now in the same boat. Churchill would afterward say to one of his chiefs of staff, who was still using the same delicate language used in the pre-Pearl Harbor days, about the need to avoid creating a war with Japan with the United States out. Churchill had said: “We can now speak more robustly. We only had to use that kind of language when we were wooing the Americans. Now she is in the harem with us. All in one boat!” When Churchill went to the White House that month, December 1941, he bestowed on Roosevelt that same “Order of the Bath, Companion of the Bath,” which he has bestowed on many of his friends. Churchill sent for the president to come see him in his room. The president was wheeled in, creaking in his wheelchair along the floorboards of the White House, and he found Churchill standing there stark naked in front of him! Thereby Roosevelt became a Companion of the Bath. He was in the hot water up to his eyeballs with Winston Churchill.
Until those gaps in the archives are filled in, we’re not going to be entirely sure what dirty tricks we employed in order to drag him in, but I’ve given you a foretaste of what is in volume two of Churchill’s War.
To understand the problem we need to revisit The Jewish Chronicle’s archives. On September 30, 1994, it published an article (“Let’s Remove the Blinkers”) by Sir Alfred Sherman, former advisor to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and co-founder of the Centre for Policy Studies. Sherman warned that the Muslims’ objective was “to create a ‘Green Corridor’ from Bosnia through the Sanjak to Kosovo” that would separate Serbia from Montenegro. Western powers are “in effect fostering this Islamistan,” Sherman warned, and developing “close working relations with Iran, whose rulers are keen to establish a European base for their politico-religious activities.” In addition, “Washington is keen on involving its NATO ally Turkey, which has been moving away from Ataturk’s secularist and Western stance back to a more Ottomanist, pan-Muslim orientation, and is actively helping the Muslim forces.”
Sherman’s 1994 diagnosis proved to be prescient. Over a decade later it was echoed by Col. Shaul Shay of BESA Center at Bar-Ilan University, in his book “Islamic Terror and the Balkans” (Transaction Publishers, 2008). Shay noted that “the Balkans serve as a forefront on European soil for Islamic terror organizations, which exploit this area to promote their activities in Western Europe, and other focal points worldwide.” His conclusions were unambiguous: “[T]he establishment of an independent Islamic territory including Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania… is one of the most prominent achievements of Islam since the siege of Vienna in 1683. Islamic penetration into Europe through the Balkans is one of the main achievements of Islam in the twentieth century.” Shay’s account shows how the Bosnian war provided the historical opportunity for radical Islam to penetrate the Balkans at a time when the Muslim world – headed by Iran and the various Islamic terror organizations, including al-Qaeda – came to the aid of the Muslims. The Jihadist operational and organizational infrastructures were thus established in the heart of Europe.
BACK TO “SREBRENICA” – As I wrote in this column a year ago, “Srebrenica” is used by the apologists for the American intervention in Bosnia on the side of the Muslims not as a geographic location that needs to be preceded by a noun (“the massacre in…”) but as a stand-alone term that denotes horror, on par with “Auschwitz” or “Hiroshima.” Oliver Kamm and his late role-model Christopher Hitchens provide a paradigmatic example of the species.
I have said it before, and I repeat now: “Srebrenica” used in this sense is a myth based on a lie. The upholders of the lie deny that there is anything to question: thousands of Muslim prisoners were allegedly executed by the Serbs and a distinguished international judicial forum of unquestioned authority has found it to constitute genocide, so according to Kamm there is nothing to debate because everything is settled and clear.
Reasonable people with no ethno-religious axe to grind in the Balkan quagmire have long fought this black-and-white version, however, including the claim that as many as 8,000 Muslims were killed in cold blood and the systematic misuse of the term “genocide.” But let me get back to that article of mine, behind which I stand as firmly today as I did at the time of its writing.
The fact beyond dispute is that during the Bosnian war thousands of Muslim men were killed in the region of Srebrenica. Most of them died in July of 1995 when the enclave fell almost without a fight to the Bosnian Serb Army and the Muslim garrison—the 28th division of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Army—attempted a breakthrough. A significant number reached safety at the Muslim-held town of Tuzla, 60 km to the north; a few found shelter in Serbia, across the Drina River to the east. An unknown were killed while fighting their way through; and many others—numbers remain disputed—were taken prisoner and executed by the Bosnian Serb army.
The numbers remain unknown and misrepresented. With “8,000 executed” and—inevitably—thousands more killed in the fighting or reaching the Muslim lines, the column attempting to break out should have counted 12 to 15,000 men—an impossibly large number. There should have been huge gravesites and satellite evidence of executions, burials, and body removals. The UN searches in the Srebrenica vicinity, breathlessly frantic at times, still falls far short of the sanctified figure of 8,000. The Islamic shrine at Potocari, where the supposed victims are buried, includes those of many soldiers killed in action, Muslim and Serb, between May 1992 and July 1995, at different locations all over the region.
The Yugoslav War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague (ICTY) never came up with a conclusive breakdown of casualties. That a war crime did take place is undeniable. The number of its victims remains forensically and demographically unproven. According to the former BBC reporter Jonathan Rooper, “from the outset the numbers were used and abused” for political purposes. The number of likely casualties corresponds closely to the ‘missing’ list of 7,300 compiled by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Rooper says. But the early estimates were based on nothing more than the simple combination of an estimated 3,000 men last seen at the UN base at Potocari and an estimated 5,000 people reported ‘to have left the enclave before it fell’:
Perhaps the most startling aspect of the 7-8,000 figure is that it has always been represented as synonymous with the number of people executed. This was never a possibility: numerous contemporary accounts noted that UN and other independent observers had witnessed fierce fighting with significant casualties on both sides. It was also known that others had fled to Muslim-held territory around Tuzla and Zepa, that some had made their way westwards and northwards, and that some had fled into Serbia. It is therefore certain that nowhere near all the missing could have been executed.
The Red Cross reported at the time that some 3,000 Bosnian Army soldiers managed to reach Muslim lines near Tuzla and were redeployed by the Bosnian Army “without their families being informed.” The number of military survivors was also confirmed by Muslim General Enver Hadzihasanovic in his testimony at The Hague.
The last census results, from 1991, counted 37,211 inhabitants in Srebrenica and the surrounding villages, of which 27,118 were Muslims (72.8 percent) and 9,381 Serbs (25.2 percent). Displaced persons from Srebrenica registered with the World Health Organization and Bosnian government in early August 1995 totaled 35,632. With 3,000 Muslim men who reached Tuzla “without their families being informed” we come to the figure of over 38,000 survivors. The Hague Tribunal’s own estimates of the total population of the Srebrenica enclave before July 1995—notably that made by Judge Patricia Wald—give 40,000 as the maximum figure. It just does not add up.
Having spent five days interviewing over 20,000 Srebrenica survivors at Tuzla a week after the fall of the enclave, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Henry Wieland declared, “We have not found anyone who saw with their own eyes an atrocity taking place.” A decade later a Dutch field investigator, Dr. Dick Schoonoord, confirmed Wieland’s verdict: “It has been impossible during our investigations in Bosnia to find any people who witnessed the mass murder or would talk about the fate of the missing men.”
A “PROTECTED ZONE”?—It is often pointed out that Srebrenica was an UN “protected zone,” but it is seldom noted that the enclave was simultaneously an armed camp used for attacks against Serb villages in the surrounding areas. Muslim General Sefer Halilovic confirmed in his testimony at the Hague Tribunal that there were at least 5,500 Bosnian Muslim Army soldiers in Srebrenica after it had obtained the “safe haven” status, and that he had personally arranged numerous deliveries of sophisticated weapons by helicopter.
French General Philippe Morillon, the UNPROFOR commander who first called international attention to the Srebrenica enclave, is adamant that the crimes committed by those Muslim soldiers made the Serbs’ desire for revenge inevitable. He testified at The Hague Tribunal on February 12, 2004, that the Muslim commander in Srebrenica, Naser Oric, “engaged in attacks during Orthodox holidays and destroyed villages, massacring all the inhabitants. This created a degree of hatred that was quite extraordinary in the region.” Asked by the ICTY prosecutor how Oric treated his Serb prisoners, General Morillon, who knew him well, replied that “Naser Oric was a warlord who reigned by terror in his area and over the population itself… he didn’t even look for an excuse… One can’t be bothered with prisoners.”
Cees Wiebes, who wrote the intelligence section of the Dutch Government report on Srebrenica, notes that despite signingthe demilitarization agreement, Bosnian Muslim forces in Srebrenica were heavily armed and engaged in provocations (“sabotage operations”) against Serbian forces. Professor Wiebes caused a storm with his book Intelligence and the War in Bosnia 1992-1995, detailing the role of the Clinton administration in allowing Iran to arm the Bosnian Muslims.
On 11 July, 1995, the Muslim garrison was ordered to evacuate the town which the Serbs entered unopposed. Local Deputy Director of UN Monitors, Carlos Martins Branco, wrote in 2004 (“Was Srebrenica a Hoax?”) that Muslim forces did not even try to take advantage of their heavy artillery because “military resistance would jeopardize the image of ‘victim,’ which had been so carefully constructed, and which the Muslims considered vital to maintain.”
POLITICAL BACKGROUND—Two prominent supporters (at the time) of the late Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic, his Srebrenica SDA party chairman Ibran Mustafic and police commander Hakija Meholjic, have subsequently accused Izetbegovic of deliberately sacrificing the enclave in order to trigger NATO intervention. Meholjic is explicit: in his presence, Izetbegovic quoted Bill Clinton as saying that 5,000 dead Muslims would be sufficient to provide the political basis for an American-led intervention on the side of the Muslims.
Testifying at The Hague Tribunal, Muslim Generals Halilovic and Hadzihasanovic confirmed this theory by describing how 18 top officers of the Srebrenica garrison were abruptly removed in May 1995. Ibran Mustafic, the former head of the Muslim SDA party in Srebrenica, is adamant that the scenario for the sacrifice of Srebrenica was carefully prepared:
Unfortunately, the Bosnian presidency and the Army command were involved in this business … Had I received orders to attack the Serb army from the demilitarized zone, I would have rejected to carry out that order. I would have asked the person who had issued that order to bring his family to Srebrenica, so that I can give him a gun let him stage attacks from the demilitarized zone. I knew that such shameful, calculated moves were leading my people to catastrophe. The order came from Sarajevo.
Military analyst Tim Ripley agrees that Srebrenica was deliberately sacrificed by the Muslim political leaders. He noted that Dutch UN soldiers “saw Bosnian troops escaping from Srebrenica past their observation points, carrying brand new anti-tank weapons [which] made many UN officers and international journalists suspicious.”
The term “genocide” is even more contentious than the exact circumstances of Srebrenica’s fall. Local chief of UN Monitors, Carlos Martins Branco, noted that if there had been a premeditated plan of genocide, instead of attacking in only one direction, from the south to the north—which left open escape routes to the north and west, the Serbs would have established a siege in order to ensure that no one escaped:
The UN observation posts to the north of the enclave were never disturbed and remained in activity after the end of the military operations. There are obviously mass graves in the outskirts of Srebrenica as in the rest of ex-Yugoslavia where combat has occurred, but there are no grounds for the campaign which was mounted, nor the numbers advanced by CNN. The mass graves are filled by a limited number of corpses from both sides, the consequence of heated battle and combat and not the result of a premeditated plan of genocide, as occurred against the Serbian populations in Krajina, in the Summer of 1995, when the Croatian army implemented the mass murder of all Serbians found there.
The fact that The Hague Tribunal called the massacre in Srebrenica “genocide” does not make it so. What plan for genocide includes offering safe passage to women and children? And if this was all part of a Serb plot to eliminate Muslims, what about hundreds of thousands of Muslims living peacefully in Serbia itself, including thousands of refugees who fled there from Srebrenica and other parts of Bosnia? Or the Muslims in the neighboring enclave of Žepa, who were unharmed when the Serbs captured that town a few days after capturing Srebrenica? To get around these common sense obstacles, the ICTY prosecution came up with a sociologist who provided an “expert” opinion: the Srebrenica Muslims lived in a patriarchal society, therefore killing the men was enough to ensure that there would be no more Muslims in Srebrenica. Such psychobabble turns the term “genocide” into a gruesome joke.
Yet it was on the basis of this definition that in August 2001, the Tribunal found Bosnian Serb General Radislav Krstic guilty of “complicity in genocide.” Even if the unproven figure of “8,000” is assumed, it affected less than one-half of one percent of Bosnia’s Muslim population in a locality covering one percent of its territory. On such form, the term “genocide” loses all meaning and becomes a propaganda tool rather than a legal and historical concept. On that form, America’s NATO ally Turkey—a major regional player in today’s Balkans—committed genocide in northern Cyprus in 1974. On that form, no military conflict can be genocide-free.
The accepted Srebrenica story, influenced by war propaganda and uncritical media reports, is neither historically correct nor morally satisfying. The relentless Western campaign against the Serbs and in favor of their Muslim foes—which is what “Srebrenica” is really all about—is detrimental to the survival of our culture and civilization. It seeks to give further credence to the myth of Muslim blameless victimhood, Serb viciousness, and Western indifference, and therefore weaken our resolve in the global struggle euphemistically known as “war on terrorism.” The former is a crime; the latter, a mistake. Oliver Kamm is guilty of both.
The night of February 13th, and February 14th, Valentine’s Day, mark an ominous anniversary in the history of Western Civilization. For beginning on the night of February 13th, 1945, occurred the destruction of Dresden.
On the eve of Valentine’s Day, 1945, World War II in Europe was nearly over. For all practical purposes Germany was already defeated. Italy, and Germany’s other European allies, had fallen by the wayside. The Red Army was rushing to occupy vast areas of what had been Germany in the East, while the allies of the Soviets, the British and Americans, were bombing what was left of Germany’s defenses and food and transportation infrastructure into nonexistence.
And what was Dresden? Most of you have probably heard of Dresden China, and that delicately executed and meticulously detailed porcelain is really a perfect symbol for that city. For centuries Dresden had been a center of art and culture, and refined leisure and recreation. She was a city of art museums and theatres, circuses and sports stadia, a town of ancient half-timbered buildings looking for all the world like those of medieval England, with venerable churches and centuries-old cathedrals gracing her skyline. She was a city of artists and craftsmen, of actors and dancers, of tourists and the merchants and hotels that served them. Above all, what Dresden was, was defined during the war by what she was not. She had no significant military or industrial installations. Because of this, Dresden had become, above all other things that she was, a city of children, of women, of refugees, and of the injured and maimed who were recovering from their wounds in her many hospitals.
These women and children, these wounded soldiers, these infirm and elderly people, these refugees fleeing from the brutal onslaught of the Communist armies to the East, had come to Dresden because it was commonly believed at the time that Dresden would not be attacked. Its lack of strategic or military or industrial significance, and the well-known presence of hundreds of thousands of innocent civilian refugees and even Allied prisoners of war, seemed to guarantee safety to the city. Surely, it was thought, not even a the most powerful and determined enemy would be so depraved and sadistic, and so wasteful of that enemy’s own resources, to attack such a city. But the people of Dresden, who were happily attending the cinema or eating dinner at home or watching the show-horses in the circus on that fateful night were wrong, wrong, wrong. And their leaders were also wrong, for the city was virtually open and undefended and only minimal civil defense preparations had been made.
Dresden’s population had almost doubled in the months before the attack, mainly as a result of the influx of refugees from the Eastern Front, most of them women and young children. According to British historian David Irving, the briefings given to the British bomber squadrons before the attack on Dresden were curiously different. In one, the soldiers were told that their target was the railway center of Dresden. In another, they were told that the target was a poison-gas factory. In yet another, they were told that the target was a marshalling-grounds for troops in the city. Another was told that the target was a major arsenal. These were all lies.
The only marshalling-grounds for what few troops were in the area were located well outside the city. The arsenal had burned down in 1916. There were factories for toothpaste and baby-powder in Dresden, but none for poison gas. There were, in fact, no fewer than eighteen railway stations in Dresden, but only one was hit by the bombing, and that was barely touched and in fact was operating again just three days later.
According to copious documentation unearthed by David Irving from the archives of the American and British governments, the point of the attack was in fact to inflict the maximum loss of life on the civilian population and particularly to kill as many refugees as possible who were fleeing from the Red Army. In achieving these goals it was highly successful. It was thus planned and executed by those at the very highest levels of the British and American governments, who to attain their purposes even lied to their own soldiers and citizens, who to this day have never been told the full story by their leaders.
How was this devastating effect accomplished?
At 10:10 PM on February 13th, the first wave of the attack, consisting of the British Number 5 Bomber Group, began. The attacking force consisted of about 2,000 bombers with additional support craft, which dropped over 3,000 high explosive and 650,000 incendiary bombs (more commonly known as firebombs) on the center of the city. Incendiary bombs are not known for their efficiency per pound in destroying heavy equipment such as military hardware or railroad tracks, but are extremely effective in producing maximum loss of human life. The loads carried by the bombers were over 75 per cent incendiaries. In fact, the goal of the first wave of the attack was, according to British air commander Sir Arthur “Bomber” Harris, to set the city well on fire. That he did.
The lack of any effective anti-aircraft defenses allowed the bombers to drop to very low altitudes and thus a relatively high degree of precision and visual identification of targets was achieved. Despite the fact that they could clearly see that the marked target area contained hospitals and sports stadia and residential areas of center city Dresden, the bombers nevertheless obeyed orders and rained down a fiery death upon the unlucky inhabitants of that city on a scale which had never before been seen on planet Earth. Hundreds of thousands of innocents were literally consumed by fire, an actual holocaust by the true definition of the word: complete consumption by fire.
The incendiaries started thousands of fires and, aided by a stiff wind and the early-on destruction of the telephone exchanges that might have summoned firefighters from nearby towns, these fires soon coalesced into one unimaginably huge firestorm. Now such firestorms are not natural phenomena, and are seldom created by man, so few people have any idea of their nature. Basically, what happened was this: The intense heat caused by the huge column of smoke and flame, miles high and thousands of acres in area, created a terrific updraft of air in the center of the column. This created a very low pressure at the base of the column, and surrounding fresh air rushed inward at speeds estimated to be thirty times that of an ordinary tornado. An ordinary tornado wind-force is a result of temperature differences of perhaps 20 to 30 degrees centigrade. In this firestorm the temperature differences were on the order of 600 to 1,000 degrees centigrade. This inward-rushing air further fed the flames, creating a literal tornado of fire, with winds in the surrounding area of many hundreds of miles per hour–sweeping men, women, children, animals, vehicles and uprooted trees pell-mell into the glowing inferno.
But this was only the first stage of the plan.
Exactly on schedule, three hours after the first attack, a second massive armada of British bombers arrived, again loaded with high explosive and massive quantities of incendiary bombs. The residents of Dresden, their power systems destroyed by the first raid, had no warning of the second. Again the British bombers attacked the center city of Dresden, this time dividing their targets–one half of the bombs were to be dropped into the center of the conflagration, to keep it going, the other half around the edges of the firestorm. No pretense whatever was made of selecting military targets. The timing of the second armada was such as to ensure that a large quantity of the surviving civilians would have emerged from their shelters by that time, which was the case, and also in hopes that rescue and firefighting crews would have arrived from surrounding cities, which also proved to be true. The firefighters and medics thus incinerated hadn’t needed the telephone exchange to know that they were needed–the firestorm was visible from a distance of 200 miles.
It is reported that body parts, pieces of clothing, tree branches, huge quantities of ashes, and miscellaneous debris from the firestorm fell for days on the surrounding countryside as far away as eighteen miles. After the attack finally subsided, rescue workers found nothing but liquefied remains of the inhabitants of some shelters, where even the metal kitchen utensils had melted from the intense heat.
The next day, Ash Wednesday and Valentine’s Day, 1945, medical and other emergency personnel from all over central Germany had converged on Dresden. Little did they suspect that yet a third wave of bombers was on its way, this time American. This attack had been carefully coordinated with the previous raids. Four hundred fifty Flying Fortresses and a support contingent of fighters arrived to finish the job at noon. I quote from David Irving’s The Destruction of Dresden:
Just a few hours before Dresden had been a fairy-tale city of spires and cobbled streets . . . now total war had put an end to all that. . . . The ferocity of the US raid of 14th February had finally brought the people to their knees . . . but it was not the bombs which finally demoralised the people . . . it was the Mustang fighters, which suddenly appeared low over the city, firing on everything that moved . . . one section of the Mustangs concentrated on the river banks, where masses of bombed-out people had gathered. . . . British prisoners who had been released from their burning camps were among the first to suffer the discomfort of machine-gunning attacks . . . wherever columns of tramping people were marching in or out of the city they were pounced on by the fighters, and machine-gunned or raked with cannon fire.
Ladies and gentlemen, on this program I can only give you a bare glimpse of the inhuman horror of the holocaust of Dresden. In Dresden, no fewer than 135,000 innocent victims died, with some estimates as high as 300,000. More died in Dresden than died in the well-known attacks on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. More destruction befell Dresden in one day than was inflicted on the whole of Britain during the entire war. And yet you haven’t been told.
I urge every one of you to read The Destruction of Dresden by David Irving. I assure you, after reading Irving’s book, you will never take seriously the Establishment’s version of what happened in that war again.
What you ought to take seriously, though, is the fact that the same clique that controlled the traitorous Roosevelt and Churchill governments, whose hatred of our race and civilization and whose alliance with Communism were the real causes of the holocaust of Dresden, still controls our government and our media today. It is they who are pushing for a disarmed, racially mixed America. It is they who promote the teaching of sodomy to our young children. It is they who are destroying our industrial infrastructure in the name of a global economy. It is they who created the drug subculture and then also the police state agencies which pretend to fight it. The hour is very late for America and indeed for all of Western civilization. But if patriots will heed our call, then there is no reason for despair. For the enemies of our nation may have power, but their power is based on lies. Won’t you help us cut through the chain of lies that holds our people in mental slavery?
Source: Free Speech, vol. 1, no. 3 (March 1995), online: http://www.christusrex.org/www1/war/dresden4.htm
It is getting ridiculous now, the whole world seems to be in the grips of a panic, Greece was reported to be having a referendum, only to reverse that, Papandreou was reported to have resigned, only for that to be withdrawn, no one seems to know what’s going on in Greece!
The markets are in turmoil, up on hour down the next, High Frequency Trading is probably to do with this, as it seems that the only traders are computers, now that most everyone realises that the markets are fixed! The OWS movement seems to be gathering strength and is spreading and growing in numbers and resolve. Governments are loosing their grip, rebellion is in the air, the elites, the ones so well versed in manipulation are in a state of panic as events seem to be taking on a life of their own, outside of the reality that those very elites have put before us for decades.
The MSM is becoming hilariously irrelevant, last night the main news on the BBC was about public sector workers going on strike because their pensions are being cut. The world is on the edge and the MSM think that this is important? One of the leaders of the unions said that the government had ‘stolen’ from his members! Hmmmm, well the money they are receiving is stolen money anyway, taken by threat of force by the government to give to these ‘workers’. The BBC decided that the imminent end of the world as we know it, was only the forth most important thing to discuss, or to gloss over more like. What is wrong with these people?
We have the chaos in the middle east as well, although I think much of that is encouraged and supported covertly by western intelligence. Syria is on the brink, Israel is sabre rattling again, threatening to attack Iran again. Libya, the poster child of the so called ‘Arab Spring’ has become an Islamic emirate, well done western intelligence. China is on the edge of an epic real estate bust, so forget the idea that China can ‘save’ the world economy, they will be too busy tearing themselves apart soon.
What’s the good news? Oh there is plenty of that as well, our enemies are on their last legs, their power, once so formidable and threatening is now looking tired and broken, our enemies are increasingly desperate, one can see this on television, their preferred medium of propaganda and lies. Films, TV series, documentaries and most other things are blatant in their contempt for us and everything about us, whether it is the never ending lies a out ‘global warming’ which a few years ago at least could seem, to the ignorant, to be real, now it has become a parody. The lies they tell us About immigration and ‘diversity’ are being questioned, even by ‘leftists’, especially after the breakdown of law, order and decency this summer threatened to overwhelm the country. The lies about Europe and the single currency, the lies about ‘markets’ have become running jokes, there is no longer anything our enemies can be trusted with, there is nothing where they can claim competence. They are defeated intellectually, and once they have been defeated on the field of ideas, it is only a matter of time before they loose their increasingly tenuous grip on power!
So be of good cheer, our time is coming.
Seeing Qaddafi being mobbed and probably killed was not that pleasant.
I know he was a brute, a supporter of killers such as the IRA, but is still unpleasant to see someones end in that way, the Arabs sure don’t do dignified. I am a tepid supporter of the death penalty, tepid because I am wary of giving our thieving, treasonous rulers the official power of life and death over us, they have shown their incompetence and evil too many times to have another power over us!
But, leaders, such as that whore Tony Blair should be tried and executed, not by some baying mob, not with the delight I saw on the clips tonight, but with sobriety and sombreness! There should be no gloating over a mans death, no matter how wicked, but perhaps only a gentle sigh of relief.
The wider implication seems to be that anyone who opposes the forces of funny money and arrogant military might will end up dead, how is that going to play in the dozens of presidential palaces around the world? If I were I dictator I would be getting myself some nukes, and pronto!